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developed banking methods and credit forms which endure. Nevertheless, it is probable that in essence the early attack on usury was aimed not very differently than it is today: against exorbitant rates. The controversy did not end with the Reformation and the modification of Church doctrine. It continued and continues. It is now couched largely in terms of justice and expediency, laissez faire or economic controls, controlled rates (supposed to be low) versus free rates (supposed to be higher). Bentham, 1748 1832, declared that no man of ripe years and sound mind, acting freely and with his eyes open, ought to be hindered . . . from making such bargain, in the way of obtaining money, as he thinks fit: nor anybody hindered from supplying him upon any terms he thinks proper to accede to. (170) The rate of interest in twentiethcentury America is often limited by law. It is still a subject of controversy, not only among economists, but equally among politicians and economic groups. Some like it high; some like it low.
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he Dark Ages which followed the fall of the Western Roman Empire provide no contributions to this history of interest rates. Nevertheless, it may be useful to summarize briefly the state of the Western European economy during these centuries, so that the earliest recorded medieval rates of interest can be placed in an historic setting and the kind of economic activity to which they were related can be understood. We can be sure that credit existed throughout these centuries. This is suggested by the ecclesiastical campaign against usury and by frequent civil ordinances forbidding or regulating usury. The fact of loans at interest is also recorded, but the rates charged are not a part of this record. During much of the Middle Ages the Western European economy can be discussed in terms of geography rather than of nations. Great organized states usually did not exist, the powers of kings were limited, and the powers of local nobles were often absolute. People did not think and act in terms of nationality. Trade and currencies often crossed national boundaries as easily, or with as great difficulty, as they crossed county boundaries. FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES Following the sack of Rome by the Goths, in 410, and by the Vandals, in 455, barbaric kingdoms prevailed throughout Western Europe: Franks in Gaul, Visigoths in Spain, Ostrogoths and later Lombards in Italy, Angles, Saxons, and Jutes in Britain. These kingdoms, however, generally retained
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what they could of the Roman civilization. (180) The barbarians had been taught to admire Rome and Roman culture. Their kings often accepted honorary titles from the Roman emperor at Constantinople with appreciation. They sometimes requited him with services. No violent break had intervened between the centuries officially Roman and those officially barbaric. (181) Much of the old Roman economic system was retained. Roman towns remained centers of commerce and of clerical and civil administration. While the trade of northern Europe became more localized and tended to withdraw from its Roman orbit, much trade continued along the old Roman routes. These trade routes throughout southern Europe essentially fanned out from Mediterranean ports. The Mediterranean Sea was the main artery of commerce, and through it communication was still maintained with Constantinople, Africa, and the East. (182) Although trade, the circulation of money, and probably population were declining, there was less change in the economic system of important parts of western Europe than occurred later, after the Mohammedan attack. For example, although the Franks invaded Flanders circa 400, they continued the manufacture of Flemish cloth and exported it to Italy. (182) Professional merchants carried on an export and import trade throughout the former empire. The trade fair of St. Denis, near Paris, dates back to this time. Roman gold coins continued to circulate. Manorial selfsufficiency was spreading rapidly, and the trade of merchants and the industry of cities were declining, but important trade with the Orient remained and, in fact, never entirely ceased. Trade between northern European countries probably was increasing. SEVENTH AND EIGHTH CENTURIES In 622 occurred the fateful Hegira of Mohammed, which led to economic consequences as important as its political and religious consequences. In 632 the Arabs conquered Syria, Egypt, and Persia; in 669 they seized Asia Minor; and in 698, Carthage. In 711 they crossed over to Spain, defeated the Visigoths, and held this European western flank for centuries thereafter. Although their further attempt to complete the conquest of Europe was defeated by Charles Martel at the Battle of Tours in 732, the Arabs almost held southwest Europe in siege. An essential economic fact was that the Mediterranean was all but closed to commerce. Only the ports of southern Italy, the Adriatic, and the Aegean remained open. Syrian navigation between the ports of the west and Asia and Egypt ceased. From the beginning of the eighth century, western European commerce was profoundly depressed. (183) Although the Arabs had been stopped at the Pyrenees, no counterattack to reopen the seas could even be attempted. The empire of Charlemagne was essentially landlocked.
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