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Angoff (1988) has argued that researchers and other professionals should focus more on the IQ s changeability than on dividing its variance into genetic and environmental components. As he pointed out, the prevalent focus has led to controversy, unscientific arguments and assertions about a scientific issue, name-calling, and claims that intelligence tests are invalid or useless. A shift in focus is a step toward reducing the difference in the IQs of groups of Caucasians and African Americans. To close the IQ gap, such an effort will have to be buttressed by a broad program of educational, psychological, cultural, and economic types of interventions targeted not only at the child but also at the child s parents, his or her extended family, and indeed, the entire community (Angoff, 1988, p. 719). The persistent findings of the Flynn effect over time and across nations, as well as the success of many early intervention programs such as the Abecedarian Project, both speak to the need for innovative research and for an optimistic outlook regarding the potential applications of such studies.
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The IQ construct has been in the line of fire for controversy from the moment of its inception. Two of these controversies are presented in the sections that follow: (1) the clinically based challenge issued by Lezak (1988a) as a result of her practical experience as a neuropsychologist, and (2) the research-based and decision-makingbased challenge issued by leaders in the field of learning disabilities assessment (e.g., Siegel, 1999). Both of these anti-IQ approaches are described and rebutted in the sections that follow.
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Lezak s Eulogy
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Muriel Lezak announced to the professional world that the IQ concept was dead in an address
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to the International Neuropsychological Society in January 1988, which she subsequently published as IQ: R.I.P. in the Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology (Lezak, 1988a). However, she delivered a funeral oration for a corpse that has been dead for at least 10 to 15 years (Kaufman, 1988; Reynolds, 1988), thus demonstrating that some leaders in the field of neuropsychology may be oblivious to the research and philosophy that characterize the related fields of clinical and school psychology together with special education. Because of Lezak s (1995) deserved influence on the clinical assessment scene, the provocativeness of the comments in her eulogy, the relevance of the topic for any text on intellectual assessment, and the fact that her criticisms echo those of many other neuropsychologists, we have treated the issues in some depth. First, we summarize the key points of her funeral oration; after each point, we respond from the vantage point of the intelligent testing philosophy (described in 1) and research base that have typified our approach, and that of others in the field, to the interpretation of diverse instruments. The rebuttal arguments include many of the points raised by Dean (1988), Hynd (1988), Reynolds (1988), and Kaufman (1988) in the invited responses to Lezak s paper that appeared in a special section of the NASP Communique organized by Telzrow (1988). Lezak (1988a) eulogized a concept that, when young, served psychology well by giving it a metric basis that made it less of a speculative philosophy and more like a science.... [But the] IQ as concept and as score has long ceased to be a useful scientific construct for organizing and describing our increasingly complex and sensitive behavioral observations.... [T]he IQ became senescent soon after its brilliant adolescence, and should have been put to rest by now (pp. 351 352). Basically, Lezak s specific criticisms can be grouped into two general categories: the meaninglessness and impurity of global IQs, and the misuse and abuse that commonly accompany psychologists interpretation of IQs.
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The Global IQs Are Impure and Meaningless CRITIQUE Lezak (1988a): When the many and various neuropsychological observations elicited by so-called intelligence tests are lumped and leveled into a single IQ-score or even three the product of this unholy conversion is a number that, in referring to everything, represents nothing (p. 352). REBUTTAL Worship or overinterpretation of global IQs has not existed among the mainstream of clinical and school psychologists for at least two decades, probably longer. For clinical purposes, IQs exist as midpoints of the person s overall performance, providing reference points for ipsative profile interpretation. Practitioners have become accustomed to following the interpretive strategy that psychologists and trainers have urged for about a quarter of a century (e.g., Kaufman, 1979a): [T]he Full Scale IQ serves as a target at which the examiner will take careful aim.... Large V-P differences, numerous fluctuations in the scaled-score profile, or inferred relationships between test scores and extraneous variables (e.g., fatigue, anxiety, subcultural background) greatly diminish the importance of the Full Scale IQ as an index of the [person s] level of intelligence (p. 21). Global IQs are useful summaries and provide a concrete starting point for profile interpretation. When the search for strengths and weaknesses proves fruitless, as it sometimes does, then the V-P IQ discrepancy or even the unholy conversion into the FS-IQ becomes quite meaningful. In those instances, the empirical validation of the IQ construct based on data obtained for groups comes into play, enabling the clinician to interpret the scores with meaning. Even multiscore professionals like us can appreciate the extensive empirical sup-
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port for the g construct (e.g., Jensen, 1987, 1998), which justifies the combination of diverse mental abilities into one, two, or three global ability scales. Indeed, the V and P IQs provide an exceptional summary of abilities for many individuals, and the difference between them may have important diagnostic or remedial implications. Lezak (1988a) seemed to acknowledge this benefit herself when she noted that as we all know, persons with left hemisphere damage tend to have relatively lowered scores on the more verbally demanding subtests compared to their better scores on several of the less verbally dependent subtests (p. 358). (Ironically, this generalization does not hold up very well; see the discussion in 8.) For individuals, global IQs are frequently nothing more than overviews of a person s total ability spectrum that mask substantial variability among the subtest scores; but for groups, the summative scores have abundant meaning. How can one summarily dismiss a construct that produces discrepancies of 36 IQ points between adults with at least 17 years of schooling and individuals who failed to graduate from elementary school (see Table 4.10) Yet, nowhere in her funeral oration does Lezak make the important distinction between the IQ construct for individuals and for groups. Lezak (1988a) also seems to believe that wide profile fluctuations reside within the domain of neuropsychology, where most examinations are conducted on persons whose mental functioning is only partially impaired (p. 352). Much research shows emphatically that the Wechsler profiles of normal, intact individuals are characterized by a striking amount of inter- and intra-scale variability (Kaufman, 1976a, 1976b, 1990; Psychological Corporation, 1997, Appendix D; Wechsler, 1991, Appendix B; 1997, Appendix B). Competent clinical and school psychologists are aware of this normal scatter; as Reynolds (1988) notes, Lezak has set up the IQ in an archaic,
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