IQ TESTS: THEIR HISTORY, USE, VALIDITY, AND INTELLIGENT INTERPRETATION in .NET

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IQ TESTS: THEIR HISTORY, USE, VALIDITY, AND INTELLIGENT INTERPRETATION
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same, whether applied to tests for children, adolescents, or adults. Intelligent testing rests on five assumptions, discussed in the sections below: 1. IQ tasks measure what the individual has learned. 2. IQ tasks are samples of behavior and are not exhaustive. 3. IQ tests like the WAIS-III, KAIT, and WJ III assess mental functioning under fixed experimental conditions. 4. IQ tests are optimally useful when they are interpreted from an information-processing model. 5. Hypotheses generated from IQ test profiles should be supported with data from multiple sources.
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IQ Tasks Measure What the Individual Has Learned
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This concept comes directly from Wesman s (1968) introduction of the intelligent testing approach. The content of all tasks, whether verbal or nonverbal, is learned within a culture. The learning may take place formally in the school, casually in the home, or incidentally through everyday life. As a measure of past learning, the IQ test is best thought of as a kind of achievement test, not as a simple measure of aptitude. Like the SAT, IQ tests assess developed abilities, broadly applicable intellectual skills and knowledge that develop slowly over time through the individual s experiences both in and out of school...[that are] not tied to the content of any specific course or field of study (Anastasi, 1988, p. 330). The interaction between learning potential and availability of learning experiences is too complex to ponder for any given person, making the whole genetics environment issue of theoretical value, but impractical and irrelevant for the interpretation of that person s test profile. Even the sophisticated scientific challenges to the IQ construct issued by Lezak (1988a) and Siegel (1999) or the emotional, less informed in-
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dictments of IQ tests handed out by members of the public, become almost a side issue when the tests are viewed and interpreted simply as measures of accomplishment. The term achievement implies a societal responsibility to upgrade the level of those who have not attained it; the term aptitude implies something inborn and personal and can justify a withdrawal of educational resources (Flaugher, 1978). Issues of heredity versus environment and the validity of the IQ construct are meaningful for understanding the multifaceted intelligence construct; the accumulating research helps test developers, practitioners, and theoreticians appreciate the foundation of the tests used to measure intelligence; and the IQ tests, as vehicles for the research, are essential sources of group data for use in scientific study of these topics. But all of the controversy loses meaning for each specific person referred for evaluation when the clinician administers an IQ test to study and interpret just what the person has or has not learned and to help answer the practical referral questions.
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IQ Tasks Are Samples of Behavior and Are Not Exhaustive
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The individual Wechsler subtests, or the subtests that compose the KAIT or WJ III, do not reflect the essential ingredients of intelligence whose mastery implies some type of ultimate life achievement. They, like tasks developed by Binet and other test constructors, are more or less arbitrary samples of behavior. Teaching people how to solve similarities, assemble blocks to match abstract designs, or repeat digits backward will not make them smarter in any broad or generalizable way. What we are able to infer from the person s success on the tasks and style of responding to them is important; the specific, unique aspect of intellect that each subtest measures is of minimal consequence. Limitations in the selection of tasks necessarily mean that one should be cautious in generalizing the results to circumstances that are removed
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PART I
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INTRODUCTION TO THE ASSESSMENT OF ADOLESCENT AND ADULT INTELLIGENCE
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from the one-on-one assessment of a finite number of skills and processing strategies. Intelligence tests should, therefore, be routinely supplemented by other formal and informal measures of cognitive, clinical, and neuropsychological functioning to facilitate the assessment of mental functioning as part of psychodiagnosis. The global IQ on any test, no matter how comprehensive, does not equal a person s total capacity for intellectual accomplishment.
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IQ Tests Like the WAIS-III, KAIT, and WJ III Assess Mental Functioning under Fixed Experimental Conditions
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Standardized administration and scoring means conducting an experiment with N = 1 every time an examiner tests someone on an intelligence test. For the results of this experiment to be meaningful, the experimenter examiner must adhere precisely to the wording in the manual, give appropriate probes as defined in the instructions, time each relevant response diligently, and score each item exactly the way comparable responses were scored during the normative procedure. Following these rules prevents examiners from applying a flexible clinical investigatory procedure during the administration (like Piaget s semistructured m thode clinique), from teaching the task or giving feedback to a person who urgently desires this intervention, or from cleverly dislodging from the crevices of a person s brain his or her maximum response to each test item. It is necessary to be an exceptional clinician to establish and maintain rapport and to weave the standardized administration into a natural, pleasant interchange between examiner and subject. Clinical skills are also essential when observing and interpreting a person s myriad behaviors during the examination and during interpretation of all available information and data when interpreting the profile of test scores. But it is vital for an examiner to follow the standardized procedures to the letter while administering the
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test; otherwise, the standard scores yielded for the person will be invalid and meaningless. To violate the rules is to negate the value of the meticulous set of norms obtained under experimental conditions by most major test-publishing companies for their tests. The testing situation has a certain built-in artificiality by virtue of the stopwatch, the precise words to be spoken, and the recording of almost everything spoken by the examinee. A person with excellent visual spatial and manipulative skills might perform slowly and ineffectively on Object Assembly because of anxiety caused by the time pressure; or a person with an impressive store of general knowledge and a good commonsense understanding of social situations may fail several Information and Comprehension items because of failure to understand some of the questions. It is tempting to give credit to a puzzle solved just 2 or 3 seconds overtime or to simplify the wording of a question that the person certainly knows the answer to. But the good examiner will resist these temptations, knowing that the people in the reference group did not receive such help. Testing the limits on a subtest can often give valuable insight into the reasons for failure or confusion, so long as this flexible, supplemental testing occurs after the score has been recorded under appropriate conditions. In an experiment, the empirical results are of limited value until they are interpreted and discussed in the context of pertinent research and theory by a knowledgeable researcher. By the same token, the empirical outcomes of an IQ test are often meaningless until put into context by the examiner. That is the time for a clinician s acumen and flexibility to be displayed.
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