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generally paid on mortgages. Macaulay, however, says that in 1696 the market rate of interest on the best mortgages was 6%. (340) However, in 1694 the Bank of England anticipated making mortgage loans at 5% although it did not develop this business. In 1677 the Africa Company converted the whole of its bonded debt, contracted at 6% in 1675, to a rate of 5%. (339)
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The Dutch Republic Dutch interest rates for this century are quoted on the long-term loans of the individual provinces, the United Provinces, and the towns. These loans were mostly in the form of annuities of many kinds: some with sinking funds, some limited in time, some perpetual. Quoted rates do not always distinguish the precise terms of each loan quoted. A remarkable series of conversions of the securities of the provinces of the Republic may be summarized as follows: (341)
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One specific example of a perpetual Dutch annuity of the seventeenth century may be cited. In 1624 one Elsken Jorisdochter (Elsie, the daughter of George) invested 1200 florins in a bond issued for repairs to a dike. (343) She received a bond of the Lekdyk Bovendams Company (chartered 1323), which was a semipublic enterprise with taxing power. The company and this bond survived at least to 1957. This perpetual bond originally paid 61 4% interest per annum, about the same rate then paid by the provinces. It promised no repayment of principal. At some
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time in the eighteenth century the then owner agreed to a reduction of interest to 21 2%. In 1957 this bond was still paying 21 2% per annum. The bond must be presented at Utrecht for interest payments at least once every five years, and payments are recorded on the back. The bond states that it is free of all taxes, impositions or charges whichsoever, however called or disguised, with no single exception. In 1938 this bond was presented to the New York Stock Exchange, which collected interest as it became payable. This scrap of financial history illustrates the long history of perpetual Dutch annuities. It suggests that small local issues then did not differ greatly in rate from national annuities. Tax privileges were probably a factor in securing low rates, as they were in Venice in the fourteenth century. However, too much weight should not be given to tax exemption, because all forms of interest rates appeared to decline sharply to low levels in Holland. For other Dutch loans the sources do not always distinguish between deposits and advances and between long- and short-term loans. The following scraps of information are, however, informative:
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For rates on short-term commercial credit in seventeenth-century Holland there is as yet no chronological record. There is, however, good evidence of low rates at least during the second half of the century. In Holland declared Josiah Child, in 1668, any man that is a competent good husband, prudent and careful in his business, may take up 500 pounds or 1,000 pounds at 3% upon his own note only. Another contemporary said it is a great advantage for the Traffick of Holland that money may be taken up by merchants at 31 2% for a year without pawn or pledge. Amsterdam merchants are cited as borrowing at 3 41 2% and lending in England and France at 6% or better. Interest rates in Holland are elsewhere cited at 3 4% on medium- and long-term credits.
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Finally, at the turn of the eighteenth century the rate of interest on the Amsterdam Exchange was reported as falling to 2% or even to 13 4%. (344) This is the first record of such low rates that we have for northern Europe, although a century earlier even lower rates may have prevailed in Genoa.
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France The State bankruptcy of 1557 marked the end of the prosperity of the Lyons bill market. In 1586 the king settled in rentes for 25 40% of principal due. In 1597, in a great financial reform (bankruptcy), the annuity rate on Crown rentes was forcibly reduced to 4%. This, however, was presumably not a market rate of interest. In fact, there is little evidence of an organized money market in France in the seventeenth century. Toward the end of Cardinal Mazarin s power, 1643 1661, the partisans charged the Crown for short-term floating debt, at least 15%, but at times as high as 50 60%. (345) The French Crown had two sources of credit, the bankers (partisans), who made short loans at high rates, and the rentiers, who purchased longterm annuity claims. Some of these annuities had been created by State bankruptcies when floating debt was forcibly refunded. There are few data on the rates paid on French rentes in this century except the imposed rates. In the sixteenth century several issues of rentes were voluntarily purchased at 81 3%. Finance Minister Colbert, in 1660, in a reform kept back one third of the rentes due on the H tel de Ville in Paris. He tried to pay off other rentes forcibly at a heavy discount. There were riots, and in 1665 Colbert reduced the legal rate on rentes to 5% and resumed payment. In 1674 he founded a State Savings Bank which paid 5% and promised to repay capital on demand. He so far improved public credit that in 1679 he could offer rentes for public subscription at 5 57 8% and have them oversubscribed, using some part of the proceeds to pay off old rentes that carried higher rates. After his death in 1683 the French budget was again disorganized. Some rentes were created between 1688 and 1697 which again paid 81 3%. (401)
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Spain The record of interest rates in seventeenth-century Spain is, as usual, very brief. Crisis followed crisis, and compulsory consolidations of debt were customary. The resulting annuities (rate unstated) were serviced in copper, if at all. Theologians helped by accusing the creditors of usury. In the bankruptcy of 1647, when the debt to all creditors except four Genoese banks (which presumably held, as usual, precious metal as collateral) was
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