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Only by promoting a capitalist peace can the United States and the G7 reconcile the well-being of established and up-and-coming players before imbalances and competition create frictions that harm the overall system But public attitudes have turned more pessimistic: The proportion of Americans who think their country should be active in the world is down to 42 percent, the lowest it has been since the early 1990s41 According to a Pew Research Center poll, the share of Americans who believe that trade is good for their country has plunged from 78 percent in 2002 to 59 percent in 2006, the lowest
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proportion among the 47 countries included in the surveyYet in 2007, the global economy entered its fth year of greater than 4 percent annual growth, maintaining the longest period of such strong expansion since the early 1970s Despite nancial market woes, world growth pushed forward, and trade grew at 9 percent according to the World Bank The bene ts of free trade tend to be dispersed widely, while the costs of it such as bankruptcies and job losses tend to be concentrated and highly visible But as Hayek noted, prosperous countries make better trade partners than impoverished ones, so trading states should maintain a sel sh interest in the freedom and prosperity of other nations42 While economic liberalization can bear negative consequences such as the spectacular imbalances and volatility of the credit crisis, protectionism is far more damning Protectionist sentiment has left thousands impoverished needlessly and destroyed economic opportunities for G7 and emerging states alike In 2007, for the rst time in a quarter century, the World Bank s World Development Report put agriculture and the productivity of small farmers at the top of its global agenda to reduce poverty Yet the continued refusal by the United States, the EU, and Japan to reduce agricultural subsidies has led the Doha round of trade talks to stall and denied rural poor in developing nations access to developed nations markets As Nobel Prize Laureate Joseph Stiglitz noted, the attack on US-style globalization is driven by Luddites and protectionists 43 Despite the immense vitriol of antiglobalization forces, increased global competition has raised the living standards of the average American Instead of attacking globalization, we should work to create a healthy economic environment that mitigates the risks of an interdependent economic system The biggest threat to US prosperity is not China, India, or even terrorism It is not the rise of sovereign wealth funds and hedge funds nor increased capital ows from abroad The greatest threat to US prosperity is not properly integrating new economic actors in an increasingly complex world Policy makers worldwide have struggled to understand the con uence of nancial, commodity trade, and labor markets and have not adequately monitored unprecedented capital ows to prevent speculative and disruptive market volatility, which
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stokes nationalist fears The United States has reacted to rising economies as threats to domestic jobs and security, instituting protectionist measures (including blocking several US acquisitions by foreigners44) that hurt everyone nancially and create public opinion backlashes in the rest of the world instead of using trade and openness as a platform for cooperation The United States and its old cohorts are growing comparatively less powerful, less coordinated, and less in uential each day The multilateral institutions that the world has relied upon historically to help shape economic interaction, especially the G7 and World Bank, are increasingly irrelevant in this dynamic new power landscape Through institutional reform, the United States can co-opt emerging economies and nonstate actors into a mutually bene cial system predicated on free trade and economic coordination Without it, problems such as high commodity prices, food shortages, property bubbles, nancial panics and other imbalances may lead to problems such as protectionism or worse, the military con ict we witnessed in the early twentieth century
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